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A Technical and Artistic Analysis of A House of Dynamite
Introduction On October 24, 2025, Netflix released A House of Dynamite, an apocalyptic nuclear thriller directed by Kathryn Bigelow and written by Noah Oppenheim. The film divides into three forty-two-minute segments, each covering the same nineteen-minute period from different perspectives: military bases, the White House, and the President. The Plot The story opens July 16, 2025, with a section titled Inclination is Flattening. At 9:33 a.m. Eastern, the White House Situation Room erupts when sensors detect a missile launched near the North Korean Peninsula. A national security conference call produces only yawns. One participant observes, “Looks like it is near Japan, maybe middle of the Sea of Japan.” Four minutes later: “Third time since Christmas, so why a National Security call?” The nonchalance continues. Eleven minutes in, the Ground Base Intercept Post at Fort Greely, Alaska reports, “STRATCOM says DSP satellites missed the launch.” According to Greely personnel, TPY-2 ground-based radar in Japan indicates a flight vector consistent with previous DPRK tests. At 12:35 in General Tony Brady, commanding officer at U.S. Strategic Command (USSTRATCOM), announces: “Expect splashdown in Sea of Japan.” Thirty-six seconds later, alarm bells sound. The missile's trajectory flattens, and it maintains a velocity of 6km/sec. Typical movements for an ICBM. After a few m ore seconds, four commanders join the National Security Command call: Tony Brady at USSTRATCOM, Offutt Air Base, Omaha; Admiral Jerry Brendell, USINDOPACCOM; the NORTHCOM Commander General Longman; and General Maynard, USFK (US Forces Korea). Brady makes the terrifying announcement – the missile will boost a warhead into a suborbital trajectory. Target: somewhere in the United States.( See 13:44 to 14:08) At 14:15 a declaration is made that “impact will be in nineteen minutes.” At Fort Greely, crews prepare two interceptors with exo-atmospheric kill vehicles (EKVs) designed to destroy incoming warheads through collision – “like trying to hit a bullet with a bullet,” as multiple characters lament. Greely launches two Ground-Based Interceptors (GBI). The first EKV misses. The second malfunctions when the EKV fails to separate from its booster. With no plan B, and commanders unwilling to deplete reserves early on, the single warhead will likely annihilate 9.2 million residents of greater Chicago. The second segment, Hitting a Bullet with a Bullet, ping-pongs between the Situation Room, USSTRATCOM in Omaha, Fort Greely, Gettysburg (where the DPRK intelligence specialist vacations), the Pentagon, the Presidential Emergency Operations Center (PEOC), a B-2 alert base, and other sites. Throughout this segment, viewers hear the President's voice but never see him. The final forty-two minutes (A House Filled With Dynamite) follow the President figuring out his course of action. He can retaliate at once or – according to military advisors – risk total annihilation. Top brass argues that failure to launch an immediate preemptive strike will neutralize U.S. retaliatory assets capabilities before they can be used. With the warhead seconds from Chicago after a twenty-two-minute flight, no one knows who fired it. The question becomes: does the U.S. nuke everyone in retaliation? Poetic License Poetic license allows filmmakers to bend facts for dramatic effect – prioritizing emotional impact over documentary accuracy. Films like Amadeus and Braveheart alter history wholesale. Others like Schindler's List, All the President's Men, and Nuremberg stay faithful to facts while capturing authentic period atmosphere. Where does A House of Dynamite fall on this spectrum? The Argument On October 16, 2025, the Missile Defense Agency (MDA) issued a memo about A House of Dynamite: While the film highlights that deterrence can fail, which reinforces the need for an active homeland missile defense system, this fictional depiction also downplays US capabilities. The fictional interceptors in the movie missed their target, and we understand this is intended to be a compelling part of the drama intended for the entertainment of the audience, but results from real world testing tell us a vastly different story. The MDA claimed the 50-61 percent intercept rate cited in the film “is outdated, and today's interceptors have displayed a 100 percent accuracy in testing for more than a decade.” The truth likely falls between the film's portrayal and MDA's claims. Regardless, Bigelow and Oppenheim launched a robust media campaign defending their accuracy. On CBS's Sunday morning program, Bigelow confirmed she had not consulted the Pentagon: “I felt that we needed to be more independent, but that being said, we had multiple tech advisors who have worked in the Pentagon. They were with me every day we shot.” In The Hollywood Reporter, Bigelow said, “I just state the truth. In this piece, it's all about realism and authenticity.” Oppenheim doubled down in The Atlantic: And we say in the movie, 61 percent. That's based on data from controlled tests. So, you can imagine, those are under the best of circumstances. A lot of the folks we talked to felt that 61 percent was being very generous when it comes to the system that we have. As we mentioned in the movie, there are fewer than fifty of these ground-based intercepts in our arsenal, so even if it were working perfectly, there are not a ton of them that we have available to use. The Problem for Filmmakers Claiming “authenticity” imposes higher standards than acknowledging poetic license or displaying opening disclaimers. When films present themselves as factual while significantly altering established facts, technical systems, and institutional procedures, audiences often accept the fictionalized narrative as literal truth. This creates widespread misconceptions about real-world capabilities and events. Issue 1: Defense Support Program (DSP) Satellites are Obsolete Between 1970 and 2007, twenty-three Defense Support Program satellites were deployed. Five or fewer remain active in geosynchronous orbit. They have been replaced by six Space-Based Infrared System (SBIRS) satellites launched between May 2011 and August 2022. Before that, in 2004, high elliptical orbit (HEO) sensors were added to two existing satellites to monitor circumpolar attack routes. The SBIRS satellites represent significant upgrades:
Between 10:23 and 10:31 in the film, the bogey's position is given as 42.710°N, 137.14°E – the middle of the Sea of Japan - with an elevation angle of 66.793 degrees. The missile had to be detected within a very short time because the sensors detected the lofted elevation angle which would have been early in the boost phase. Early because many say the booster is following a typical trajectory for a DPRK test and this belief is widely held by the Situation Room, Stratcom, Greely, and perhaps others. They are complacent. But while still in the boost phase Greely notices the rate of ascent is slowing while the inclination is flattening with velocity steady at 6km/sec (At 13:11) Indeed the elevation angle rapidly flattened from 66 degrees to 23 degrees, the optimal ICBM angle accounting for Earth's curvature. By 13:49 General Brady announces that the object will go sub-orbital landing somewhere in the US. Given that the Korean Peninsula is a known hotspot – meaning SBIRS satellites likely overlap sensors (stereo mode) and use staring capability – SBIRS failure to detect where the launch originated or identify country of origin strains credulity. A South Korean official confirmed ground radar has identified every Korean Peninsula launch over the past ten years. Additionally, Planet Labs maintains a global network of commercial imaging satellites delivering daily high-resolution images (0.8 meters per pixel). This system detected a North Korean launch on May 4, 2018, and traced the missile plume to elongated structures near Wonsan. In November 2022, an open-source intelligence project using GPS tracking satellites tracked a North Korean missile immediately after launch. These aren't one-off detections – they’re routine. No wonder Ana Park, the NSA's DPRK specialist, responds with disbelief when told the DSP satellite missed the launch: “You're fucking kidding me!” (55:37) As previously stated at 13:55 in the film, General Brady announces impact will occur in the continental U.S. – but ninety seconds earlier, he says the object is somewhere over the Pacific with expected splashdown in the Sea of Japan. Impossible unless the bogey traveled east to west. Confusing. (at 12:35) Issue 2: The Nineteen-Minute Countdown Problem The nineteen-minute countdown makes no sense because the missile was detected in the boost phase likely three minutes or less after launch. We know this because the missile was being tracked before it dramatically changed trajectory. Moreover, since the trajectory must be determined in the boost phase, the US had at least thirty minutes for a countdown to “impact.” The word “impact” is also most likely a misnomer because most warheads are programmed for an airburst maximizing the blast area. As stated, an ICBM from the Korean Peninsula to Chicago requires about thirty-five minutes total flight time. Subtract a five-minute boost phase: the missile enters final ballistic trajectory at the thirty-minute mark. Even allowing two minutes for course determination, the countdown should read twenty-eight minutes minimum – not nineteen. There are nine to ten minutes missing. Perhaps it took ten minutes to get everyone on the same clock? Doubtful. Issue 3: “We Missed” and the EKV Malfunction Before addressing the unlikely EKV malfunction, we need to question why intercept operations centered on USSTRATCOM at Offutt Air Base, Omaha. Detection, assessment, and intercept tactics should originate at the Missile Warning Center (MWC) in Peterson Air Force Base, Cheyenne Mountain Space Force Station, Colorado. The only reference to “Cheyenne” is made from Greely (at 13:24) with no follow up. The Integrated Tactical Warning/Attack Assessment (ITW/AA) system operates from the MWC, which reports to United States Space Command (USSPACECOM), one of eleven combatant commands. The Joint Functional Component Command for Integrated Missile Defense (JFCC IMD) also falls under USSPACECOM. On May 23, 2024, U.S. Strategic Command officially transferred missile defense responsibility to USSPACECOM following an April 2023 presidential directive. This realignment made U.S. Space Command the global sensor manager, consolidating missile warning, missile defense, and space domain awareness under single command. These critical functions previously fell under USSTRATCOM. (On September 2, 2025, after filming concluded, USSPACECOM relocated to Huntsville, Alabama.) Raw assessment data from MWC-ITW/AA would be communicated to the Command, Control, Battle Management, and Communications (C2BMC) HQ system at Schriever Space Force Base, Colorado Springs. Dynamically networked sensors there allow missile defense systems – Aegis, Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD), Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD), Ground-Based Midcourse Defense (GMD), and various radars – to coordinate threat identification, engagement, and intercept across all flight phases. A battery failure during FTG-07 GMD testing (July 2013) caused an EKV to fail separation from its missile. None of the other twenty-one tests attributed failure to separation issues. Only two tests conducted since 2018 (FTG-11 and FTG-12) resulted in successful kills. Developments during 2024 and 2025 centered on integrating the selectable 2/3 stage Ground-Based Interceptor (GBI), allowing earlier kill vehicle release and larger engagement area. Why not deploy the 2/3 system with two missiles initially? If they miss, time remains to fire two more. Moreover, the warhead in A House of Dynamite deploys no decoys and isn't MIRV-equipped, making interception exponentially easier Issue 4: Aegis System Intercepts of ICBMs Have Been Proven The United States operates eighty-one active Aegis-capable ships. In November 2020, an SM-3 Block IIA missile from the destroyer John Finn received tracking orders from an external sensor through the C2BMC network and intercepted an ICBM warhead outside the atmosphere. In 2022, the Japanese Aegis Maya-class destroyer performed an exo-atmospheric intercept. Japan operates eight Aegis destroyers. Properly positioned, any could have detected and differentiated the launch as an ICBM and possibly shot it down in the ballistic phase. These ships carry ninety-six to 122 missiles of various types. Multiple vessels likely operated under the flight path shown in the film with good intercept chances, yet the Aegis system receives no mention. The average ICBM apogee is 750 miles. The SM-3 Block IIA can reportedly intercept targets above average ICBM apogees at distances exceeding 1,500 miles. Some ships would have been positioned in the Pacific with intercept capability. Even if the SM-3 Block IIA cannot intercept at 750-mile apogees, it certainly could engage during ascent or descent stages. Issue 5: “Use it or lose it” – The Pressure on the President Defies Reality The Triad Sea-Based Deterrent The United States operates eighteen Ohio-class submarines. Fourteen carry up to twenty UGM-133 Trident II missiles equipped with W-88 and W-76 warheads, each yielding between 100-475 kilotons – up to thirty-two times more powerful than Hiroshima’s “ Little Boy” fifteen kiloton atomic bomb. The film attributes twenty four missiles to the Ohio SSBNs which is incorrect. Multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle (MIRV) capabilities multiply warhead count by eight on some missiles. Britain operates four Vanguard nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBN) with sixteen Trident II D5 missiles (twelve MIRV-capable). France operates three to four Triomphant-class SSBNs, each carrying sixteen SLBMs (M45 or M51 missiles) with 150-300 kt warheads. U.S. Land-Based Deterrent The United States maintains 400 single-warhead silo-based Minuteman missiles with either W-78 335 kt yieldwarheads or W-87 300 kt warheads. They can launch within two minutes of authentication. U.S. Air-Based Deterrent The air-based deterrent relies mainly on B-2 bombers. Under the New START treaty (expiring February 2026), each B-2 counts as one warhead, but a single plane carries several B-61, B-83, or B-61-12 LEP bombs. These aircraft maintain constant alert with crews and weapons ready to launch on warning (LOW). Despite stealth capability, the film shows Russians detecting them near their airspace – likely accurate if Russian press releases are credible. The S-500 Prometheus surface-to-air missile defense system and newest radar systems (Container Over The Horizon and Voronezh) likely detected B-2 bombing raids over Iran, potentially providing sufficient warning to relocate enriched uranium. The U.S. operates approximately two thousand additional nuclear-capable aircraft, so detection's blunting effect of the B-2s, while considerable, shouldn't be overstated. No attack subsequent to the single missile could prevent a large-scale U.S. retaliation, even accounting for follow- on attacks from Russian or Chinese submarines with seven-minute or less response windows, the retaliation would be massive. Issue 6: The Authentication Sequence Is Wrong The film's nuclear launch sequence for the US is inaccurate. Why does the President seemingly have only three options (“rare, medium, well done”)? In reality, the President authenticates using the code from his Sealed Authenticator System (SAS) card (nicknamed the “biscuit”) with the National Military Command Center (NMCC) inside the Pentagon. He transmits orders to the NMCC – selecting from multiple options, certainly more than three. The film gives slight credence to multiple options, but many viewers likely left believing the President faces severely limited choices. General Tony Brady at USSTRATCOM in Omaha would not receive orders directly from the President. NMCC would transmit to all relevant combatant commanders in highly coded messages. Brady's insistence on a presidential response ( “what are your orders Mr . President”) serves purely dramatic purposes and has no factual basis. The President transmits orders to the NMCC only and the other ten combatant commanders also receive their orders from NMCC not the President. Issue 7: The Idea That There Is likely a Follow-On Attack Is Implausible Why would Russia or China fire a single missile, raising U.S. alert to DEFCON 1 before initiating a major attack? The single missile caused the US to go to Defcon 1 which is exactly what Russia or China would not want if they were planning a follow-on attack. As Oppenheim's film often states: “This is insanity, not reality.” Only Russia and China possess ICBMs capable of delivering separating warheads beyond 6,000 miles. Issue 8: Russian Sub loses Its Shadow During heightened alert, a relatively noisy Russian submarine “slips its shadow” as the warhead enters descent phase – an occurrence that would give the Chief of Naval Operations gastric distress. Borei-class submarines are stealthier than Akula-class, but hydraulic pumps grow louder after short operation periods. Issue 9: Impossible For A Remodeled Romeo To Have Fired The Missile Ana Park suggests a remodeled Romeo-class submarine possibly fired the missile – a complete nonstarter. No currently deployable DPRK SLBM has a range exceeding 777 miles (Pukguksong-1); the missile boosted a warhead that traveled well over 6,000 miles. The Pukguksong -1 can’t do this. She then suggests the remodeled Romeo might have used a Chinese JL-3, Russian RSM-56 Bulava, or other Russian SLBM – but these missiles won't fit in any Romeo hull, remodeled or otherwise. Issue 10: A Preemptive Attack Is Strategically Silly At This Point General Brady asserts that a preemptive strike will target enemy bombers, offensive weapons, and command centers (1:02:50 mark). Such an offensive might capture some aircraft and command centers, but unless all eleven Russian SSBNs and all six Chinese nuclear submarines disappear simultaneously, America faces devastating retaliation should they follow Brady’s predilection for preemption. The preemption strategy is questionable. The U.S. is already at DEFCON 1. A Preemptive strike offers no advantage. China has repositioned destroyers, launched jets, and convened high-level government conferences. Communication with Russia means they've implemented every precaution against preemptive strikes. No one will be surprised. Utilizing major attack options like MA-07 or MA-09 would kill three billion or more within weeks. Issue 11: Bolt Out Of The Blue The lone missile attack is suspect. A bolt from the blue without geopolitical tension strains believability. Even accepting unprovoked launch – why only one missile? A plausible buildup to a geopolitical conflict is detailed in China Thermonuclear Conflagration 2029: Worldwide Nuclear Winter. Issue 12: No One Will Make It To Raven Rock By Bus A House of Dynamite ends with scores of people scrambling to Raven Rock, a Pennsylvania nuclear war bunker. Helicopter passengers might arrive. Bus and car travelers would not – China and Russia (elevated to DEFCON 1 equivalent) would obliterate the United States within thirty-five minutes of our preemptory attack. Also, why isn't the President on Air Force One with a full suite of national defense options? Issue 13: Greatly Exaggerated Death Toll The Chicago death count is wildly inflated. Assuming the incoming warhead is nuclear and detonates at optimal airburst height with the maximum yield allowed under the New START Treaty (475 kt), casualties would fall below one million. Science historian Alex Wellerstein's NUKEMAP calculates 511,000 deaths. Yet the film shows the President authenticating major attack destined to leave few planetary survivors without determining whether the warhead is conventional or nuclear or who fired it. Conclusion A House of Dynamite entertains but fails its authenticity claims repeatedly. I believe Bigelow and Oppenheim attempted authenticity and relayed what they believed to be truth, but they fell short technically. As entertainment, it's a fine evening's viewing. But don't use this film as a research basis for U.S. nuclear capabilities and tactics. Thomas J. Yeggy https://www.thomasjyeggy.com/
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Nuclear War: A Scenario by Annie Jacobsen – A Review
Introduction By now, many of you are familiar with Annie Jacobsen’s books. She has won just about every accolade a writer could want, including a New York Times bestseller and a Pulitzer Prize finalist. Her works on nuclear war are so respected that only a few dare challenge the scenarios in her books. Jacobsen claims that Nuclear War: A Scenario is a nonfiction, realistic depiction of how cascading events could lead to an all-out nuclear war. So why am I taking the time to comment on her latest book, Nuclear War: A Scenario? Let me explain. Annie Jacobsen lays claim to a realistic series of events about nuclear war based on interviews and consultations with former military generals, cabinet members, and self-proclaimed experts, but she has managed to belie the facts to the American public. Several common threads run through her dogma on nuclear warfare. I will occasionally refer to my previous article criticizing film director Kathryn Bigelow and scriptwriter Noah Oppenheim for their film A House of Dynamite, which depicts a similar scenario. Jacobsen, who has appeared on Joe Rogan’s podcasts several times, has a long-tenured writing career on military matters that at times gives way to a risible regard for her credibility. (See nbcnews.com/science/cosmic-log/were-soviets-behind-roswell-ufo-flna6c10403209.) Nonetheless, she is where populist America has turned for its briefing on nuclear war, primarily due to the media’s push to anoint a leader. While we need a leader for this important message, we need one with facts that are beyond question. I have some concerns about what I perceive to be inaccuracies in Jacobsen’s book. If you look behind the curtain, you will see that most if not all her advisors are ancient in terms of nuclear war where technology and strategy are changing rapidly. What Air University Press Says According to Air University Press (https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/AUPress/Book-Reviews/Display/Article/4300576/nuclear-war-a-scenario/): Despite its strengths, the book has notable limitations. Chief among them is its speculative framing. The scenario Jacobsen presents is a worst-case trajectory with little room for de-escalation, diplomatic intervention, or fail-safes within real-world nuclear policy. While the scenario is grounded in legitimate concerns, its determinism risks reinforcing a narrative of inevitability rather than a preventable catastrophe. In doing so, it may obscure the tools that states have developed to manage escalation, such as back-channel communication, crisis signaling, and regional deconfliction. Additionally, the book simplifies institutional complexity. Though Jacobsen references key components like US Strategic Command and the National Military Command Center, she largely omits the layers of interagency coordination, legal safeguards, and Allied engagement that shape real nuclear decision-making. Extended deterrence strategies involving Japan, South Korea, and NATO are barely addressed, even though they are central to the contemporary deterrence environment. The portrayal of nuclear authority as a linear and fast-moving chain from launch detection to retaliation glosses over the procedural and bureaucratic realities that, while imperfect, are designed to prevent rash or mistaken decisions. My Comments: Nuclear War: A Scenario Is Impossible General Comments
The Korean Peoples Navy (KPN) has only one or possibly two diesel electric submersible ships ballistic (SSB) that have been remodeled. The sub that Jacobsen is talking about in her book is likely the Romeo Class Hero Kim Kun Ok (Hull No. 841). It draws extra scrutiny when it leaves port because of its claimed but unproven capability to launch a Korean KN-23 with a nuclear warhead 400 miles. As of mid-2025, there haven’t been any extensive sea trials necessary to confirm its reliability and missile capability in a combat scenario. Even remodeled, it likely gives off 140 decibels when snorkeling, making it detectable for hundreds of miles.
Even if the 841 Romeo class makes it to Alaska undetected (highly unlikely), it still must make it undetected from Alaska to a position 350 miles from Avila Beach, California. To do that, Jacobsen says it “hugs the continental shelf along Alaska and then heads south.” It cannot cross the open ocean undetected from Alaska to within 300 miles of our California coast for several reasons.
We can’t contact Russia, but oddly enough in the book, a farmer (spy) in Wyoming gets through to the Russian Federation’s spy agency—the Main Directorate of the General Staff (GU)—to leave a message. For some inexplicable reason, the United States has chosen to fly its missiles over Russia, despite not being able to contact them in advance. Both the inability to contact them and then flying the missiles over Russia are unbelievable. To make the book’s scenario plausible, we must believe that Putin is hiding in Siberia (unlikely). It is equally unlikely that the Russian counterparts hang up or refuse to exchange meaningful information with their American counterparts. And it is simply untrue that Russia’s Tundra satellites, Over-the-Horizon (OTH) radar, Don-2N, and Voronezh radar fail to give Russia time to determine the number and trajectory of the incoming warheads. The United States launched twenty-four minutes after the North Korean launch. By the time we get to forty-four minutes after the launch, the fifty warheads launched by the US Minuteman missiles have been in the air for eighteen to twenty minutes, which is more than enough time for the Russian Federation to determine that the Minuteman’s target is not Russia and that the number of incoming warheads is 82, not 182. Here is shorthand for what Russia really sees and thinks.
What I found intriguing in the book was the pace at which the story was told and the author’s largely accurate depiction of the devastation and dire consequences of nuclear war. Perhaps if the author had provided a geopolitical event that led to a full-scale nuclear exchange, the book would have been better. Thomas J. Yeggy Thomasjyeggy.com [email protected] |
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